Publications

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Centre for Rights Education and Awareness is leading a consortium that includes Collaborative Centre for Gender and Development and Groots Kenya. The consortium team jointly has established a women fund known as Jasiri Fund (Swahili word meaning `bold`). The overall objective is to support access to finance for 1000 survivors of Gender based violence as a means to strengthen survivors’ recovery and resilience in a sustainable manner. The fund works to support women, youths, people with disabilities who are survivors of gender-based violence by focusing on building their socio-economic resilience against economic shocks stemming from Covid-19 and household violence.

Jasiri fund is a $350,000 guarantee fund held by Kenya Women Micro Finance Bank (KWFT) being implemented in 10 counties in Kenya namely: Kajiado, Kakamega, Kiambu, Kilifi, Tana River, Nairobi, Mombasa, Kwale, Mandera and Busia.

 


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Amicus curiae interventions have contributed to the development of landmark feminist jurisprudence before domestic and international fora. The work of feminists continues to show how the law is gendered and imagine how a just and equal world can be shaped using the law. This publication is the first of a multi-phase process that seeks to understand the opportunities and challenges of using amicus curiae before domestic courts in the continent. Other phases will provide an in-depth comparative analysis of the practice before the various continental accountability mechanisms. Finally, this project seeks to achieve the development of a model law on amicus curiae to standardise the practice and develop a shared understanding on the role of these briefs.

The development of gender equality jurisprudence remains a contested terrain. Courts struggle to understand substantive equality for women in a range of factors. In the first wave of constitutions
in common law Africa there was the persistent claw-back clause that provided the right to be free from discrimination and proceeded to claw-back on personal and family law. These made a number of
gender discriminatory laws and practices continue thriving.

 


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The Gender Policy Vision
The vision of this policy is a just society where men, women, boys, and girls live free of negative discrimination, marginalization, disempowerment, and violence and instead enjoy equal rights and opportunities in social, economic, and political domains of life.

Overall objective
To guide institutionalization and operationalization of gender mainstreaming in all sectors of County Government functions.

Specific objectives
a) Engender County policies and laws with the Constitution and domesticated international and regional treaties, conventions, protocols, and commitments to promote gender equality.
b) Provide a framework to integrate and mainstream gender equality and empowerment approaches into the County’s development planning and budgeting and the resultant
c) Promote and support the rights-based approach across all sectors bearing in mind that gender is a cross-cutting issue.
d) Eliminate all forms of Sexual Gender-Based Violence (SGBV) through consultative and inclusive preventive and responsive strategies and mechanisms.
e) Strengthen institutional structures to collect and analyze gender disaggregated data.
f) Define institutional frameworks and performance indicators for effective tracking, monitoring, evaluation, and reporting the implementation of gender equality and empowerment principles.

Isiolo County - Gender Policy (Abridged Version)


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POLICARE is a one stop centre for victims of SGBV, housed at the National Police Service. Victims of sexual and gender-based violence need services that ease the pain of trauma they experience when they have been violated and helps them to cope and recover in the quickest possible time.

PURPOSE
The purpose of these SOPs is to outline clear procedures, roles and responsibilities for each actor involved in response to reported instances of SGBV. The aim is to achieve efficiency, quality output and uniformity of performance while reducing miscommunication.


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At the core of the Constitution of Kenya (COK, 2010) is the belief that there can only be real progress in society if all citizens participate fully in their governance, and that all, male and female, persons with disabilities (PWDs) and all previously marginalized and excluded groups are included in the affairs of the republic.

Specifically, the Constitution provides in Article 81 (b) that “the electoral system shall comply with the principle that not more than two-thirds of the members of elective public bodies shall be of the same gender”. The persistent challenge has been on how to actualize this core commitment in Kenya’s National Assembly and Senate as prescribed. This publication traces the efforts to implement the commitment through legislation.

Women have been historically and systematically marginalized through distinct social and legal imperfections that relegated them to the periphery of public political life. The post-independence context in Kenya is particularly important in assessing the struggle for inclusion of women in political and electoral processes.

 


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Between December 2007 and March 2008, Kenya faced its worst political and governance crisis yet. Unlike in the previous general elections since 1992 when the ruling Party used politically motivated violence to diminish the vote of their competing Political Parties in the opposition as a strategy of rigging, this post election violence went beyond the control of the political system and degenerated to a state of total break down of Law and order. Three months of a political stalemate fertilized by the contested presidential election results, undermined the foundation of the nation, the economy and extensively created a climate for the violation of citizens’ rights. It is in that context that the most despicable sexual and gender based violence in Kenya’s post independence history were witnessed. This is the context within which women paid the price of a failed state, an incompetent government and the culture of violence in the Kenyan society.

The constitution failed the people of Kenya. Kenya’s constitution has always failed to cover the nakedness of all the citizens and only padded and secured the comfort and security of a few privileged citizens. The constitution has established a government that is unresponsive to the rights of the poor and the majority of the weak citizens who are mainly women, the youth and children. This enduring legacy has created and fertilized a culture of impunity, the abuse and disregard of the institutions of the state, lack of accountability and a culture that disregards international norms and standards of governance and Human rights protection and promotion. From this cultural context, the politics of exclusion have taken root. Kenya’s politics of exclusion are powered by the winner takes-it-all, first-past-the-post electoral system that makes elections a life and death affair where the losers also lose all in the political system. This paradigm has been legitimized
by Kenya’s expired one-Party- state constitution that has failed the interests of Kenyans but promoted the interests of the ruling class, particularly those in the ruling party and in public office.

The current constitution arrangement has engendered the capture and instrumentalization of state institutions by the elite. State institutions like the Cabinet, parliament, the Judiciary, the police force, the military as well as other social institutions such as the media and religious organizations have since independence come under the total and stifling elite capture. The outcome of this elite capture of state institutions is a fractured political and social system that is completely incapable of effectively governing the state and nation. State institutions are neither neutral nor competent to govern and are therefore largely resented by the public and its officials; who are seen as a new breed of occupying forces who are far removed from the struggles of the masses of the people.

That is how the Electoral Commission of Kenya collapsed under the pressure of the dominant political actors and failed to deliver on a basic responsibility of faithfully reflecting the will of the people that had been expressed through the vote. The Electoral commission was rendered hopeless and its constitutional mandate executed under the direction of the executive.